Among the numerous partner dances, Argentine Tango is known as “the king” due to its superlative demands and possibilities. Now a global culture with nightly events in most major cities, Tango reliably transports people not only to the psychological state of Flow but also to an experience of perfect unity with another person, accompanied by a sense of inevitability and a perception of artistic import. Dancers brag about their addiction while it emaciates their lives, displacing less intense activities and relationships.
Tango’s dark side is duly more sophisticated than guru authoritarianism, sexual abuse, and financial scandal. Its dark takes us directly to the failures of feminism, the commercialization of community, the violent silence of racism, and the conflict between culture and art.
The first critical book about Tango intended for a commercial readership as a Popular Culture reveal, Until Forever is informed by roughly 2000 conversations with dancers in 5 countries.
“I’ve been at the front of evolving tango controversy most of my dancer, DJ, and teaching career. This includes how we dance, what clothes we wear, the music we choose to dance to, gender and sexuality issues, or the codes of tango and the patriarchy behind it. Vio has a clear way of combining personal experience with thoughtful analysis that creates a road map for deeper understanding of the complexities of Argentine tango social dancing. With a very engaging style of writing it is both a scholarly dissertation and a page turner that will give the reader much needed contemporary insight.”
Homer Ladas
TheOrganicTangoSchool.org
“Absolutely the best tango writing I’ve ever read.”
Brian Dunn
Dance of the Heart
“In one section of Until Forever there is a bulleted list of Tango Values. I made a copy of this list and taped it to my refrigerator. Almost every day I glance at this list and am reminded of how dancing tango has influenced my worldview. Until Forever prompted me to look more deeply at how people learn to appreciate beauty and savor pleasure The political implications of the dance form became more clear. Indeed my capacity for thinking critically about social justice improved as a result of this book. The accompanying workbook helped me clarify what needs were being met and not being met via my tango community involvement. I feel more connected to the authentic sense of purpose and meaning that tango provides. Thank you, Vio for writing this book.”
Josh Rychert
Dancer
“An exquisite look into the world of tango. Fascinating… I keep re-reading.”
Those of us who have been inhabiting the world of tango for a prolonged time (in my case it’s been over 35 years) know that once you come into tango you can never leave.
This book is for us. It may also serve as an explanation of our passion and purpose, to those outside, revealing what it is that draws people from around the world to this culture.
Her writing is full of meaning, best understood if you have ever danced or played tango and tried to get to the essence of what you love about it. But the way is murky, full of intrigue. You keep searching, but you may never find it. It is not, as some people may say, that the search is the meaning of it all.
More than a great read, it’s a key to the universe of tango dancing, a portrait of an addiction, a passion and a purpose beyond self. Nowhere more clear, away from the dance floor, than in this book.”
Pablo Aslan
Tango Musician
The Biomechanics of Unconditional Love
Addiction beyond Endorphins
The Dissatisfactions of Feminism
Walking to Hide the Holes in your Shoes: A dance about Class
An African Dance, Typified by a German instrument, Pride of a Nation of Massacres
Industrializing a Transnational Culture
Selling Authenticity
anti-Art
Libertango: Legacy of Freedom
The codigos protect egos and unrequited loves and other things we don’t want to talk about. And importantly they eschew dialogue in favor of a silent system of rules. Their silence is indicative of much about tango. From the mood when we dance, to things we cannot say to our closest partners, to some other, very significant, silences. Silences of far greater social impact.
That she yearned to charm with sultry obedience, the arch of her foot, the twist of her chest. Who knew that she would find satisfaction in being an extension of his body.
She feels very proud of her obedience. She offers it, she codifies it in her gestures, she exults in it. She may have come in order to “meet someone” or
“express herself”, but now she just wants to be pretty and do it right. It gives her the surge of relief that, truly and finally, she is a good girl.
The man who embraced me moments ago now embraces another. The man who danced with me last night ignores me tonight, pursuing another. My partner of years allows himself to be seduced, returning later with apologies and love proclamations, a situation which, like abuse, cycles constantly between painful negligence and redemptive adoration.. I sit waiting to be “chosen” by one or another or any man.
Amory Starr
Amory Starr
“I always knew” … “I finally found” … “I wasn’t happy”… These distinct and repeated biographical narratives drive people to build a business whose primary responsibility is to be a vessel for the pleasure and meaning of work. When artisans talk about making tables, cheese, guitars, and pants they say “I love every bit of it.” … “It’s an absolutely fantastic experience.” … “The best thing about the work is not delivering the shiny final product, but actually doing the work.” …. “When I come home inspired at the end of a day, my kids can look at work not as something to dread, but see that work can be inspiring and gives you joy and energy.”
Interviews with artisans in 6 countries reveal that something is missing in the contemporary discourse on labor, something has gotten lost between exploitation and burnout: While obscene over- and under-compensation is surely an urgent issue, it is a distinct and profound fact that not only circus artists and jazz musicians but also dairy farmers and war journalists subsidize their vocation with second jobs because the work is more important than the money. This book is based on 10 years of interviews with artisans in 6 countries.
As they have delivered work from labor and industrial logics, artisans have likewise redeemed materials from their status and calculus as “inputs”. Instead of villainizing consumption, the artisans suggest we can instead define a heroic form of consumption, one which is about quests and stewardship, repair and restoration, and collaboration with craftsmen.
1. Degradation
2. Work
3. Materials
4. Objects
5. Transactions
6. the Math
7. what to Buy
The unimaginable has not occurred, and I am certainly not being asked to pay good money for it.
The responsible parties, whoever they are, must be taking care. That’s their job. Isn’t it?
Hard as it is for anyone like a citizen to believe, those who have agency in the economic systems which deliver our espresso machines and chocolate bars are not taking care. And it’s not their job.
Their job is no longer the service of linking supply with demand. Their job is to increase the distance between the price paid by the shopper and the actual cost of the object.
This means that they scheme to produce objects ever-more thoroughly stripped of value and care.
When we have a chance to meet the people who have made what we buy, we acquire something intangible along with the tangible: biography and personal style of the maker or curator, with whom, over time, the transaction is transformed from exchange to friendship. We recognize and are recognized by them.
Like gold leaf, context adds value.
When we buy things more directly from makers many of the things we buy will have generated a STORY along the way… the first visit, a biography, a question, a memory, the tradition, the workshop, the machine, the aroma.
And the journey by which we discovered this thing and its people… My friend showed me… I took a different route… I couldn’t find…
The object and its maker’s story are the antithesis of the global commodity chain.
Amory Starr
Amory Starr
In 2005 in Los Angeles I started running an underground restaurant. This was an expression of the perspectives developed over 10 years teaching the Political Economy of Food course, values that we have now seen blossoming in the Local Food Movement. It was also a way of making politics in a form that more people could relate to. Now 7 years later and 26 10-course dinners for 30 (in 3 countries!) later, I gave in to Andrea Godshalk’s urging that I write the story and teach people how to create politics in their living rooms.
As an underground restaurant, we invite strangers over for dinner. Underground restaurants are a phenomenon. It turns out people are clamoring for the chance to eat pork tartare cooked by untrained chefs in private homes with maybe not enough chairs for everyone to sit down at dinner. Every underground restaurant has its own flavor, ours is about enticing our guests to buy their food from local farmers and artisan producers.
Local food is a successful social movement that is transforming food from a commodity into a community. It turns out people would rather pay more for their food if they get to look the farmer in the eyes and they’d rather not have tomatoes all year long if they can have such amazing flavor when they are in season and picked ripe.
Local food and underground restaurants are ways that people are seeking to recover quality and meaning in their commercial exchanges. This book explains how this yearning can transform our unsustainable and terrifying economies, and how cultural activities like dinner parties are significant and powerful forms of social change.
1 Not a potluck: is it food? is it performance art? is it democracy? (Introduction)
2 Inviting 200 people to dinner (The Story of The Viand, our underground restaurant)
3 The feast that creates culture (How to change the economy)
4 From commodity to community (Artisan economics)
5 Dining with strangers (The Underground Restaurant Movement)
6 From the all-chefs to shop-cook-eat, with dinner for 30 in-between (The How-To)
The Feast that creates Culture:
how to change
the economy
Local food is part of a family of related new economic initiatives. Craft beer brewing and artisan coffee roasting are each roughly $10 billion industries in the US, followed more slowly by craft spirit distillers. Even fast food companies are now trying to describe their bread as artisan, but more importantly, bakeries like San Francisco’s Tartine and Sydney’s Bourke Street have turned a humble product into a queue-worthy affair. Artisan bread, coffee, and beer are now popular world-wide, which means that creative people who want to do this work have employment and entrepreneurship opportunities. Celebrated provisioners also become local destinations, contributing to neighborhood economic development.
From Farms to Food Trucks: Building an Economy of Integrity in the Ruins of Wall Street
Just a few years ago, consumers’ fears about pesticides were trivialized and organic agriculture was dismissed as impossible at large scale. In 2000, a student reported to me that the professor of his crop sciences class portrayed organic methods as “crazy people from the city coming to destroy Agriculture.” Meanwhile –indeed at that very moment– industrial agriculture and food multinationals faced up to the staggering 20% annual growth rate of organic agriculture, stopped denouncing it, and purchased it. By 2003 80% of organic food products were owned by Dole. By 2010 organic was a $60-90 billion global industry ($12B in the US alone).
Unfortunately, organic agriculture was no better for the family farm than conventional agriculture. For the consumer, it may seem to be a victory when major retailers sell organic, but these large retailers can also depress wholesale prices by pitting farmers against one another.
Nevertheless, in 2007 the US Census of Agriculture showed a 14,631 increase in the number of small farms over the last five years, a turnaround after decades of small farm losses. Local food –not organics– saved the family farm. In 2012 the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) announced that local food means $4.8B billion in annual revenue for small farms, making them viable once again.
In the growing gourmet food truck scene, young chefs can start their first business with far less capital and logistics than required to open a “brick and mortar” restaurant. The food is so good that Zagat restaurant reviews created a new category for them in 2011. And food trucks are one of the major successes of social media marketing, as diners seek out real-time information about their favorite truck’s location. The food truck economy promotes friendly sidewalk street life and cities are even creating special zones and parks to facilitate food truck dining and entrepreneurship.
How has this happened? Making a Social Movement
Social movements often arise in times of crisis and are driven by outrages related to suffering. But what is so interesting (and frustrating) is that people are more likely to suffer the suffering than do something about it. Americans especially are more likely to blame themselves, drink, joke, and tighten their belts, than to get together to forge a solution, or a barricade.
Activists are interested in helping their fellow citizens to see the possibility of improving the collective situation. It’s true that our individual actions are too small to make much impact. Although there a number of examples in which individuals spark larger events, even in these cases social change generally requires organized collective action, a focusing of individuals’ energies.
At the same time, typically, the initial actions of social movements are personal, and not especially articulate. They are reactions, gestures, jokes, experiments… They bubble up independently in various locations and are later elaborated and replicated. What appeared at first as somewhat hysterical mothers overworried about the contents of babyfood, or idealistic hippies using essences to help trees survive frost have become not only market niches too big for businessmen to ignore but movements for significant change in agricultural policy and social life.
Amory Starr
Amory Starr
In 2007 a wall was built in east Germany. Made of steel and cement blocks, topped with razor barbed wire, and reinforced with video monitors and movement sensors, this wall was not put up to protect a prison or a military base, but rather to guard a three-day meeting of the finance ministers of the Group of Eight (G8). The wall manifested a level of security that is increasingly commonplace at meetings regarding the global economy.
The first book to conceptualize the social control of dissent in the era of alterglobalization, it is based on direct observation of more than 20 global summits. It demonstrates that social control has become preemptive and relegates dissent to the realm of criminality.
The charge is insurrection, but the accused have no weapons. The authors document in detail how social control forecloses the spaces through which social movements nurture the development of dissent and effect disruptive challenges.
“Solidly empirical, richly descriptive and clearly written analysis.”
American Journal of Sociology
“This book provides a timely and much-needed critical reflection on how major protest events are controlled and the consequences of such practices… dense yet accessible and important.”
Cultural Sociology
“Shutting Down the Streets offers a fresh perspective on the dynamic of protest policing and the control of dissent generally…[the book] broadens the scope of study beyond protest policing to include control mechanisms that are deployed against social movements over many years.”
International Social Science Review
“The authors of this excellent and beautifully written monograph…write not from the outside…but as activist scholars.”
Deborah Eade
Interface
“The authors provide an insightful explanation of current trends towards the policing of protests, including a vast array of empirical support. While the book uses a great deal of scholarly literature, it does not solely target an academic audience, but rather anyone interested in the role of social movements in today’s society.”
Anisha Mehta, International Law and Politics
“The work effectively combines scholarly analysis with the immediate sense of direct action taken from firsthand accounts.”
M.F. Farrell, CHOICE
“This is a work of the movement rather than a dispassionate attempt at objective analysis and evaluation…Shutting Down the Streets is an important resource in understanding the repression being experienced by the Occupy movement.”
Working USA
Table of Contents
Chapter 1: What is going on?
- Understanding social control
- Understanding dissent
- Dissent in the era of alterglobalization
- Methods
- Toward a new framework for studying the social control of dissent
Chapter 2: The Geography of global governance
- Space, legitimacy, and the contestation of global governance
- Selecting a location
- Dividing space
- Controlling individuals’ movement
- Militarization
- Channeling Dissent
Chapter 3: Political economy of the social control of dissent
- What does it cost?
- Security
- Operations of a Secure Summit
- Collateral costs to the locality
- Tensions
- Political Economy of Social Control
Chapter 4: Policing of Alterglobalization Dissent
- Regulatory and Legislative Dimensions of Policing
- Intelligence
- Event Policing
- Prosecution
- Transnationalization of protest policing
Chapter 5: A taxonomy of political violence
- Marginalization
- Preemption
- Permeation and accumulation
- Political consciousness & terror.
- Collectivity
- Space and discourse
- Feeling Culture
- Political violence
Chapter 6: Anti-Repression: resisting the social control of dissent
- Resisting spatial control
- Breaching the zones, blockading back
- Marching tactics and organizing crowds
- Affinity groups
- Counter-observation
- Pirate communication
- The political economy of solidarity
- Legal Teams
- Street legal
- Political litigation
- Surviving political violence
- Know your rights, know our past, know your enemy
- Solidarity
- Trauma groups
- Security Culture
- Protecting bodies
- Remaining out of order
Chapter 7: Democracy Out of Order
Appendix A: Summits directly observed by authors.
Appendix B: Of Stones and Flowers
Appendix C: Suggestions for future research
Chapter 7: Democracy Out of Order
This is a book we wish we did not have to write. You might prefer not to have read it. At stake in our subject is democracy itself. For those who see the liberal democratic state as a medium of peaceful and progressive social change, that promise is in deep trouble. To protect democracy we must confine it because too much democracy is dangerous. Thus, we witness the reduction of democratic liberties in the name of the preservation of democracy itself. Defending democracy from democracy is becoming an indelicate matter, as pointed out so lucidly by Rancière who concludes that democracy is (and has been) the enemy of the elite, an object of “hatred” among that class. To those unfazed by such a discovery, those who believe that the liberal state manufactures consent in the interests of capitalism, this book confirms the consolidation of that project.
We began our investigation with two observations. First, that the concept of “policing” was inadequate to describe the temporality, spatiality, complexity, and diversity of social control tactics we witnessed. Second, that “protest” was the wrong unit of analysis and in a significant sense. We surmised that the impressive apparatuses of control were impacting a much broader public – dissenters. Their unit of organization is the social movement.
Exploring the literature on social control and dissent, we found its roots in the idea that social control is neutral and positive for social cohesion. This perspective led for some period to a narrowing of the field to deviance and criminal deterrence. Marxist criminologists questioned the construction of criminality in the context of capitalism. Most helpfully, social theorists, along with media and education analysts have postulated that control is exercised through the production of norms, so that people discipline themselves and do not experience coercion. With a few notable exceptions, social movement scholars have focused on the policing of protest as the locus of social control, leaving aside analysis of the impacts of political criminalization on would-be dissenters. Dissent is generally envisioned based on the legal right of individuals to free speech. But dissent –particularly dissent ultimately linked to social change– is produced in a landscape of activities that are collective. This collectivity is part of social movements. While assemblies and associations have some legal protections, social movements do not.
Seeking to better describe the landscape of social control in the era of globalization, we began with geography, territory, and space. Our analysis in Chapter 2demonstrates that the social control of space is not about preventing dissent completely, but rather about channeling and controlling the form of protest. Many observers expect the state to engage in some degree of social control of protest – to make sure that it doesn’t “get out of hand”. But these observers may not have fully appreciated the historic role of dissent in democracy. Skeptics might ask “So what if the state moves the protest around? Aren’t people still expressing themselves?” There are three ways that channeling dissent in a way that reduces its social impact ultimately diminishes the quality of democracy.
Channeling pre-designs the spaces of possible confrontations, setting the stage for some forms of dissent, while reducing the possibility of others. Social movements scholars have concluded definitively that the effective expression of dissent is a function of its disruptive capacity. Without the opportunity to be disruptive, dissent is impotent, decorative, and unable to effect political contention which is its aim, and right, in a democratic society. Disruption in turn relies on access to the unexpected. This means to disrupt spatial routines, to dislodge the normal happenstance of everyday life so that the larger citizenry can pause to think, reflect, and act. When the state channels a protest through permits, established routes, or by incapacitating movement, dissent becomes predictable and governable. Denying protest the capacity to be unexpected in space and/or time deprives dissent of its disruptive capacity, thereby canceling its contentious participation in the political arena.
The territories defined by security fences are only one aspect of such preemptive re-arrangement of space. A second aspect is spatial operations such as intruding into activist headquarters and preparatory meetings or incapacitating the creation of convergence centers or protest camps. By depriving activists of materials, artworks, and the capacity to organize, their forms of expression are again channeled.
Preemption is not only precaution or prevention of effective contention, but also the criminalization of dissent. Security territory clearly demarcates a space inhabited by legitimate authority and a space occupied by illegitimate assault. In these spaces, the protester is no longer a participant in democracy, but a violent offender, a ferocious unknown, who must be fenced, channeled and guarded. The explicit and implicit implications are clear to those who might consider expressing themselves: Today, you are already the enemy.
Next we turned to the political economy of social control in the era of globalization. As we show in Chapter 3, Summit security budgets are huge. In addition to the official expenditures bankrolled at a federal level, extensive direct and indirect costs are (contentiously) imposed on localities and regions. Moreover, summit security has become an industry, with permanent security think tanks, departments of the European Union, and collaborative agencies. More striking yet is the scope of the multi-agency international networks, which attend to each successive event, including military, immigration and border control, civil agencies, and civil intelligence services of several countries. The low intensity operations performed by a mix of military and civil agencies is advised by international experts: while the local police agency might be a new one each time, the advising around them is increasingly provided by a formally networked agglomerate of security agencies, providing an accumulation of experience that otherwise could not take place. This is the global control of dissent.
The institutionalization of this extensive mobilization for social control makes the threat ever more real and ever more “Other”. We must read this mobilization as communicating in no uncertain terms that dissent is not part of us; dissent is an Other that we must defend against. Dissent is not a normal part of history, political process, and daily life but a new and extraordinary threat that governments have to be ready for.
The architecture of Othering (or “security”) is very expensive. It is becoming increasingly more costly to police global governance events. These are now routinely the most expensive police operations in host nations’ history. The expenditure and networked control of a summit protest has no precursor in normal policing operations; summits mobilize extra-parliamentary national budgets and international expert advisement. The environment of willingness to spend increasingly larger sums of money is comparable to the discourse and practices of war. But recent wars have been accompanied by extensive public debate about morality, strategy, and expense. In comparison, security operations for global governance summits are mostly taken for granted. The budgeting looks like war, but there is no political objective for the military operation, and never a victor. The search for a comparison is elusive, and informative.
The abrupt, jarring, intense militarization of space for brief periods, followed by an equally abrupt and surreal return to “normality” could be described as the creation of what Agamben calls a state of exception – a legal event in which the sovereign power dispenses with the rule of law purportedly in order to preserve the rule of law. For example, the state calls for martial law so that the rule of law can survive an external or internal threat. Agamben argues that the state of exception, overused, becomes the permanent rule. States of exception are constructed around civil flashpoints (or “emergencies”), such as riots, in which laws are suspended in order to impose “calm”. But domestic riot-control does not generally involve long-term investigations and prosecution of “organizers”, border controls, security geography, and appellations of “terrorism”. So state of exception is not an entirely adequate comparison.
Another possible comparison is counterinsurgency. Counterinsurgency involves the long time-scale, a focus on individuals and groups, and expenditure of extensive and focused government resources. It involves domestic militarization, ongoing campaigns against insurgent groups which far outlast the flashpoint event (Low Intensity Warfare), and the suspension of rights as in a “state of emergency”. Most striking in this comparison are the European and US efforts regarding individuals associated with the alterglobalization movement (who have been treated as counterinsurgents) and the organized state programs to identify, isolate, criminalize, prosecute (with 20 year sentences), and assault them (with extrajudicial force).
While imperfect, these comparisons are revealing. Protest events are subject to a physical and budgetary environment comparable to war. Protests are now routinely defined as necessitating a “state of exception”. Activism relating to global governance is being dealt with not as protest, which is guaranteed in every modern democracy, but as counterinsurgency. It is important, however, that this is not the story. National elites are not at war with their own people, but with the domestic Other (and his confederates from nearby countries). Thus the discourse of terrorism is the public face of elites’ mobilization for domestic counterinsurgency.
In preparing the material for Chapter 4, the legal machinations and police operations which take place with the most immediacy around global governance events, we found our data organizing schemes perpetually tangled in their own web. When we tried to analyze what we knew best and most personally, we were unable to clearly distinguish policing itself from public relations, surveillance from event policing, and policing from prosecution. Most frustratingly, we had great difficulty sorting out those social control tactics with psychological objectives. Recognizing that this tangle pointed to knowledge we had yet to articulate, we turned to a more inductive and experiential analysis. The themes that emerged to structure chapter 5 were about marginalization, preemption, permeation, the impacts on political consciousness, building collectivities, discourse, and movement culture. We recognized that every policing tactic had psychological impacts and that these impacts were in fact its most important. We recognized, finally, that security perimeters, massive budget outlays, personnel mobilization in the tens of thousands, new weapons, and the rest of the police tactics discussed in chapter 4 have the unmistakable effect of discouraging participation in the social spaces that nurture dissent, and thus constitute, singly and as a whole, political violence against the population as a whole.
As we demonstrate in the chapters on geography and policing, social control of protest is taking the form of preemptive criminalization. Such criminalization is now familiar in a world where teenage activities like graffiti and skateboarding have been criminalized. Yet, these remain minor crimes. When we talk about the criminalization of protest, what kind of crime has the state defined? The expenditure and organization of resources led us to conclude that protest has not been criminalized as a lower-order crime. The crime is insurrection. But this “crime” is a right asserted at the foundations of democracy. So policing and prosecuting it is, indeed, political repression, rather than social order policing.
We conclude that the control of dissent has become a project in itself, which might resemble war but is not quite the same. While this may indeed not be new, it makes sense that there is a newly organized form of violence for these internal wars. Counterinsurgency will look different in an era of the “rule of law” and manufactured consent. This form of violence is organized to operate against dissent at the psychic level, not only through criminalization and the threat of force, but through Othering, marginalization and trivialization.
Chapter 6 describes “anti-repression” activism. This work has an isolated responsibility, which is to assemble sober and precise information about the points of impact between dissenters and the state. Anti-repression activism avoids ideology and hyperbole in the interest of presenting incontrovertible data to the press and in court. This stark focus, accompanied by severe frugality, affords a unique view on social control.
We showed that anti-repression work produces key analyses about how social control functions. This is possible because anti-repression collects a particular kind of data through time and space and can therefore analyze the police operation in total and compare it with other operations. For instance, the Miami Legal Defense team was able to assemble data to demonstrate that the police operation shifted from a security to a terror operation. The legal team in Genoa was able to determine that the assault on the Disobeddienti march to the red zone was a pre-planned police attack rather than a public order operation. Moreover, anti-repression work eventually gains precise information about victims, which, among other things provides the decisive finding that they are neither terrorists nor violent insurrectionaries, and moreover that (except for some passersby) they qualify as dissenters.
Social movements, to be effective, require two kinds of space which we think are particularly important sites for studying social control. First, they require diverse, secure, and informal social space for exploration to nurture collective intellectual and creative development. This is the space would-be dissenters enter to find solidarity, education, encouragement, and collaboration for expressing themselves. Our chapter on political violence shows the destruction of this space. Social movements also require access to public space where they can effect disruptive challenges to the existing system. Our chapter on geography shows the preemptive foreclosure of this public space.
Critical criminologists have long questioned the political motivations for criminalization. Our chapter on policing shows the creeping criminalization of dissent through laws, police behavior, surveillance, and prosecution. Our chapter on political economy shows that the expenditures on controlling alterglobalization can be compared to low intensity warfare and civil war counterinsurgency. Yet our chapter on activist forms of legal defense (anti-repression work) shows how this work has documented that the victims of social control are indeed dissenters, and not violent insurrectionists. We must conclude that dissent is being treated as insurrection, and political violence is now directed against the foundation of democracy.
Tragically, social control of dissent has only been litigated around harm to individuals and formal organizations. We believe that the most important socio-legal project is to gain legal standing for social movements as a class, so that the interests of innumerable affinity groups of dissenters may be litigated.
Until then, cameras, lemons, and fast sneakers.
This book was published by NYU Press in 2011.
Vio co-wrote the novel with Duro. (Duro Y Vio = Dyv) We were inspired by a 2007 conference at Harvard University about tango as a transnational culture. Also we wanted to create something that would help people to imagine a queerer tango. We forbid ourselves to use the word ‘passion’ and instead tried to articulate the experience more precisely.
Argentine Tango is more than an elaborate and difficult dance, it is an international culture of intimacy, desire, and dignity. No mere romance or memoir, the intricately woven stories evoke tango’s true mysteries – the elation, the frustration, the compulsion…
Dancers say “how did you know what I was feeling?”
“Just like a clever dance.”
Eric Jørisson (founder of El Corte in Nijmegen)
“This book didn’t just make me laugh. It also made me feel mad, happy, nostalgic, empathetic, represented, respected proud… It broke my heart and then mended it. If you want to know what happens to those who have been seduced by tango, look no further…but beware, you may find that there’s a tanguero in you too, and after that there’s no going back.”
Barbara Salas
“I read this in a few hours, it was so much fun – I think I have been, or known, or experienced everyone and everything in the book.”
buffmilonguera
“Every tango dancer should read this book. Beautifully written, it contains astutely perceptive observations and sensitive insights about the often so elusive intricacies of tango. In intelligently interwoven vignettes ranging from a couple of sentences to a couple of pages, we follow different fictional characters in various international locales on their journey to Buenos Aires. Perspectives switch constantly to reveal varying gender views, including those of gay couples, and the characters’ secret thoughts, their emotions, their attempts to grasp the many joys and some of the shadows of tango. A marvelous read.”
isarucks
“This book is like a Pedro Almodovar film, exposing the conscious and unconscious yearnings, failings, fears, frailties, strivings and triumphs of 30 different characters who have come under the spell of Argentine Tango. If you are already a tango addict, this book will let you see tango from different perspectives than your own. If you haven’t yet been exposed to tango, be assured that this fictional account will open your eyes to a sub-culture of intimacy, creativity, sensuality, beauty and joy.”
Doctor Milonga
Donatella’s heart is definitely breaking. It is a rock in a rock crushing machine, turning to dust, sending splintery shrapnel through her flesh. Her body is a cardboard robot, a pile of boxes, slightly dizzy. It is all she can do to keep herself balanced in the chair.
She can’t take her eyes off him. Brow furrowed, every move masterful. She knows exactly what that girl is experiencing. She sees him graciously wait for her to adorn before moving on to show off his footwork. She sees him pull the girl closer, she sees him do the most intimate things. He drops the girl’s right hand and then takes it up again gently, signaling with a fingertip to the wrist. She sees the girl’s uncontrollable secret smile. The girl feels he is in love with her. Every woman feels that with him.
Donatella is gravel and dust inside. Surprisingly, someone asks the cardboard robot to dance. A good dancer asks the cardboard robot to dance. The cardboard robot, bleeding where the shrapnel has exited, limps to the dance floor, and, for lack of muscle control, collapses into the old man’s arms. He doesn’t seem to notice that she is made of cardboard and exploding. So sure are his steps, so solid his embrace, so accustomed is he to dancing with beginners and women with no balance. She could be anyone. The dance is anonymous, routine, yet somehow gently caring. She wonders idly what wounds has he, for which this dance with her is balm?
Amory Starr
Amory Starr
Global elites, their political henchmen, and media sycophants insist that economic growth, international trade, elimination of subsidies, and privatization will alleviate poverty. Activists’ blossoming confidence that another world is possible is well-rooted.
Analysis of the effects of structural adjustment and free trade policies reveal that their promises are flagrantly unfulfilled. Indeed their impacts have been perverse. Apparently, globalization only works for the rich. Even high-profile administrators of neoliberalism have deserted. Their insider revelations are hardly news to the non-governmental organizations which have been carefully collecting data for decades. Inequality has increased in nearly every country and internationally, the conditions of life for the poor and indigenous have steadily deteriorated, and the environment on which we all depend has been irrevocably damaged.
The holy trinity of export/trade/growth is exposed as a manipulative fraud and each new invocation of the dead and absurd promises of development — that it will bring peace, heal the environment, or end poverty —is more transparent than the previous. The economic and political system promoted by globalization is not only morally bankrupt, but no longer credible in economic practice.
This book is a guide intended to familiarize interested parties with the anti-globalization movement and to provide direction for further research and exploration of the “movement of movements”. Because many exhaustive analyses of the machinations of globalization have already been written (you have probably read several of them) and because this book is focused on the resistance to globalization, this introduction will provide only a rudimentary review of the basis for opposition.
“Offers a concise history of the worldwide revolt against globalization. Emphasising the centrality of Global South movements in defining the agenda, the book helps us to understand how we can become part of the web of vision and resistance which has already been woven by peoples’ movements around the world.”
New Sector
“Offers a concise history of the worldwide revolt against globalization. Emphasising the centrality of Global South movements in defining the agenda, the book helps us to understand how we can become part of the web of vision and resistance which has already been woven by peoples’ movements around the world.”
Massimo De Angelis,
Editor, The Commoner
“Offers a concise history of the worldwide revolt against globalization. Emphasising the centrality of Global South movements in defining the agenda, the book helps us to understand how we can become part of the web of vision and resistance which has already been woven by peoples’ movements around the world.”
Patrick Bond,
University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society
“Illuminating and informative both for those already intimately aware of the scope and nature of the movement and for those not yet involved. A demystifying roadmap of the ideas and events which have shaped the movement.”
Robert Ross
civil rights attorney and environmental activist
“The authors provide an insightful explanation of current trends towards the policing of protests, including a vast array of empirical support. While the book uses a great deal of scholarly literature, it does not solely target an academic audience, but rather anyone interested in the role of social movements in today’s society.”
Anisha Mehta, International Law and Politics
“The work effectively combines scholarly analysis with the immediate sense of direct action taken from firsthand accounts.”
M.F. Farrell, CHOICE
“This is a work of the movement rather than a dispassionate attempt at objective analysis and evaluation…Shutting Down the Streets is an important resource in understanding the repression being experienced by the Occupy movement.”
Working USA
Chapter 1: What is going on?
- Understanding social control
- Understanding dissent
- Dissent in the era of alterglobalization
- Methods
- Toward a new framework for studying the social control of dissent
Chapter 2: The Geography of global governance
- Space, legitimacy, and the contestation of global governance
- Selecting a location
- Dividing space
- Controlling individuals’ movement
- Militarization
- Channeling Dissent
Chapter 3: Political economy of the social control of dissent
- What does it cost?
- Security
- Operations of a Secure Summit
- Collateral costs to the locality
- Tensions
- Political Economy of Social Control
Chapter 4: Policing of Alterglobalization Dissent
- Regulatory and Legislative Dimensions of Policing
- Intelligence
- Event Policing
- Prosecution
- Transnationalization of protest policing
Chapter 5: A taxonomy of political violence
- Marginalization
- Preemption
- Permeation and accumulation
- Political consciousness & terror.
- Collectivity
- Space and discourse
- Feeling Culture
- Political violence
Chapter 6: Anti-Repression: resisting the social control of dissent
- Resisting spatial control
- Breaching the zones, blockading back
- Marching tactics and organizing crowds
- Affinity groups
- Counter-observation
- Pirate communication
- The political economy of solidarity
- Legal Teams
- Street legal
- Political litigation
- Surviving political violence
- Know your rights, know our past, know your enemy
- Solidarity
- Trauma groups
- Security Culture
- Protecting bodies
- Remaining out of order
Chapter 7: Democracy Out of Order
Appendix A: Summits directly observed by authors.
Appendix B: Of Stones and Flowers
Appendix C: Suggestions for future research
it didn’t start in seattle & it didn’t stop on 911
Telling the history of “globalization from below” is daunting, because the object of study is what Subcomandante Marcos, former spokesperson for the Ejército Zapatista Liberación Nacional (EZLN), describes as an “intuition”.3 Intuition, we are told, is just a mystical word for knowledge — in this case knowledge which is not at all subtle or spiritual in the postcolonial world. As Vandana Shiva pointed out in Seattle, globalization is not a new phenomenon. “The first globalization was colonialism, and it lasted 500 years. The second globalization was so-called ‘development’, and it lasted 50 years. The third globalization was ‘free trade’ and it only lasted 5 years”. And since Seattle we now speak of a fourth globalization, “people’s globalization”, which Richard Falk had already theorized as “globalization from below”.
Rising inequality, unsatisfying experiences with postmodern products, and a storm of what the Marxists call “contradictions” are reaching, if unevenly, explosive proportions. Argentina combusts, resolving to “get rid of them all”. London parties with jackhammers, digging vegetable gardens into roadways. India laughs at the World Bank. Safety-suited ghosts go “midnight gardening” to “harvest” biotech crops before they can grow. Hysterical apparitions, clinging to life against capital, recognize themselves in one another and get together for some serious analysis at the annual World Social Forum and, more frequently at regional Social Fora.
Telling the history of the movement is a precarious practice, because it really is a 511 year-old movement. For indigenous people anywhere, colonialism never ended. Theirs is an uninterrupted struggle against genocide, displacement, and cultural invasion. All that has changed is that their struggles now resonate alarmingly with those of privileged people trying maintain control of their land, labor, livelihood, environment, and culture. So while the movement is very, very old, it has entered a new phase in which some genuinely global movements, recognizing themselves in others and others in themselves, are forging not only some motions of solidarity, but a unified voice saying “ya basta” (enough!), and articulating detailed visions of “another world”.
IMF & World Bank Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs), beginning in 1980, institutionalized a shift from “development” practices, systematically imposing foreign control over law and economic policy in postcolonial nations. Throughout the postcolonial period, the former colonizers had influenced and controlled third world nations through various means (primarily propping up client regimes against nationalist, socialist, and democratic movements).
SAPs were a method of control more bureaucratic, rationalized, and irreversible. SAPs dismantled many accomplishments of postcolonial regimes, reversing nationalization of industries, cutting anti-poverty programmes, downgrading civil services, and revoking land reforms. Their implementation was greeted by “IMF riots” or “bread riots” — general insurrections including general strikes, massive street protests, and the confiscation of food and other basic needs. According to the series of reports called “States of Unrest” put out by the World Development Movement, “the fiercest critics of IMF and World Bank policies were the people most affected by them….This [2002] report documents protests in 23 countries…documented fatalities, and arrests and injuries running into thousands.”
Responding to the devastation of SAPs, the African Council of Churches called in 1990 for year of Old Testament Jubilee to forgive African debt. British debt campaigners took notice, and started to work with this idea. Similar to liberation theology, the Jubilee movement linked radical political economy with a theologically-founded culture of resistance to demand relief for “odious debt” in the third world.
While US movements splintered into “identity politics” during the 1980s, in Europe the politics of the person, of everyday life retained a class character while also going beyond freedom from material want to demand cultural freedom. The resulting movements built autonomous institutions to met needs which also confronted commodification and institutionalization. These were the autonomous movements, well-documented by George Katsiaficas in The Subversion of Politics: European Social Movements and the Decolonization of Everyday Life. Using blockades, occupations, and mass actions, they took control of buildings and entire neighborhoods for years with a commitment to antifa (antifascism), taking direct action to protect immigrants from racists and immigration police alike.
Ideas of autonomous organization were familiar and well-developed throughout radical European movements without having ideological associations. Autonomen expressed many of the ideas of anarchism, without being explicitly called anarchist (although many anarchists participated). Infoshops, social centers, squats, and street blockades and property crime against corporations were familiar tactics in Europe by the end of the 1980s. Katsiaficas argues that “the Autonomen in many countries paralleled one another more than they conformed to mainstream politics or even to countercultural values in their own countries.” When in 1988, 80,000 people came from across Europe to protest an IMF meeting in Berlin (explicitly linking IMF policies with the cutting of social welfare in Europe and with militarism and imperialism) “the initiative of the Autonomen resulted in larger actions, and they were the militant organizers creating a context in which other forms of participation such as signing petitions had meaning.
This book was published by Zed Books n 2005. Zed was subsequently purchased by Bloomsbury.
One way to understand economic globalisation is as a process by which multinational corporations have established new enforceable international legal structures that put their rights to do business above human rights and national sovereignty. Naming the Enemy is the first systematic analysis of social movements opposing globalisation and the power of corporations.
These diverse, increasingly coordinated, movements take three general forms internationally:
Movements in outright opposition to multinational corporations. They tend to use democratic institutions, existing state structures, and direct action in attempts to constrain corporate power.
Movements attempting a very different kind of globalisation. These aim to build new international democratic frameworks that will be populist, highly participatory and just.
Movements seeking to delink communities from the global economy and build small-scale economies, celebrating the pleasures of locality .
A wide range of essentially non-socialist social movements are concerned about political economy. They critique economic growth, consumption as the basis of economic prosperity, and dependency on imports and on export markets. This book examines how they understand their enemies and how they envision the future. The movements use a variety of tools to undermine corporate legitimacy, such as the analysis of their behavior as colonial. The book includes analysis of the types of democracy invoked by the movements, their use of alternative epistemology, and their invocations of sovereignty and nationalism. It also tracks current social movements questions regarding movements’ use of identity, culture, and technology.
“A bold, encyclopaedic survey and analysis of international anti-corporate movements… Written succinctly and with flair.”
Gord Laxer,
University of Alberta
“…one of the few works to attempt a broad survey of the loose coalition of anti-globalization groups and movements that first captured public awareness in the streets of Seattle during the 1999 meeting of the World Trade Organization.2 More importantly, Starr’s book is a powerful stimulus to thought and debate. One wearies, after a time, of the staid, cautious and, frankly, dull conventions of academic writing. Surely the vast tide of scholarly books and articles on the amorphous topic of globalization in recent years already includes more than enough specimens of the sort of bland, repetitious and pointless work that fails to either inform or provoke. In the course of reading Starr’s contribution to this body of literature, however, the present reviewer found himself alternatively enraged, amused and challenged. Hours after laying down the book, one continues to imagine oneself engaged in an energetic verbal sparring match with a forceful, opinionated opponent.”
David Skidmore
Journal of Political Ecology
“As promised, it catalogues the bewildering array of new social movements that caught the public eye after the 1999 Seattle protests against the World Trade Organization. But the real interest of this book is the analysis of the alternative visions that drive the different oppositions…the theoretical and political concerns that drive the book as a whole are, in the end, riveting.”
Charles Derber
Comparative Sociology
“raises many central issues for social movement scholars and activists, confronted as they are with a bewildering array of opportunities for action and research. It is encyclopedic in the breadth of movements it covers and resolutely polemic in style, which makes it refreshing and sometimes frustratingly different from many other social movement texts.”
Graeme Chesters,
Organization & Environment
1. Structure and Anti-Structure in the Face of Globalization
2. Contestation and Reform
3. Globalization from Below
4. Delinking, Relocalization and Sovereignty
5. PopCulture versus AgriCulture & Other Reflections on the Anti-Corporate Movement
The 1994 Uruguay Round of GATT (the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) institutionalized “the right to free trade” as preeminent over human, civil, environmental, workers’, and governmental rights. GATT’s new standing enforcement body, the World Trade Organization (WTO), unelected and meeting in secret, can demand repeal of member nations’ laws. Corporations are now protected by binding and enforceable international agreements whose powers far outstrip (while contradicting) the United Nations’ International Declaration of Human Rights, which celebrated its 50th birthday in 1998, still non-binding and unenforced. Corporations now have global rights. People still do not.
An example: The French government had an import ban on US beef because it contains residues of drugs and growth hormones. Recently the US government took the French government to the World Trade Organization, complaining that the French ban was a “barrier to free trade”. The Court agreed, warning France to repeal the ban or face trade sanctions in an amount equivalent to lost sales claimed by the US beef industry. France conformed. When outraged French citizens demanded a strict labeling law so they could still avoid US beef at the grocery store, the US took France back to court, now insisting that the labeling interfered in the industry’s ability to compete in the French market, another “barrier to free trade”. Again, the Court agreed, denying French citizens’ desire to know what they are eating. Now the entire European Union is repeating this battle, struggling for the rights to decide what is safe and to choose what to eat. The chief US negotiator at the Rio Earth Summit has announced that 80% of US environmental law is subject to challenge through the WTO. To arbitrate science and safety, trade agreements refer only to industry-dominated bodies, like Codex Alimentaris.
The US state of Massachusetts’ ban on products made in Myanmar/Burma, like other legislation against products made with child, slave, or prison labor, can be challenged on the basis that it makes an illegal “process distinction”, a distinction based on an aspect of production that cannot be discerned in the quality of the end product. The continuation of such challenges will make impossible economic pressure on countries to deal with human rights violations. In cases like these, the language of “discrimination” can be invoked legally by corporations as the basis for challenging laws that affect their competitive status in the market. Multinational corporations will not hesitate to challenge any law that restricts their profit in any country. Bans on carcinogens in food, lead, and asbestos are on deck for repeal.
The World Trade Organization has no mechanisms for “harmonizing” regulations upward, since suits are brought on the basis of hardships caused by higher regulations which restrict market access or increase the costs of doing business. Thus WTO-member nations no longer have the right to enact the wills of their citizens into law as sovereign nations. Existing laws must be rescinded if they are determined to be “barriers” and member nations have agreed not to implement any new legislation that could conflict with free trade. Under this logic, civil and human rights (which often conflict with market freedoms) are not defensible. Citizens, towns, and nations will not have the right to decide what can be done with land and natural resources or to regulate working conditions within their borders. Lawyer Richard Grossman summarizes this shift simply as “the legalization of corporate authority over everything that counts.” Citizen rights are being downgraded to consumer opportunities — what more could we want, anyway? Corporatized “consumer choice”, however, often entails the destruction of choice, substituting product diversity for diversity of economic enterprises. Much of what is defended in the name of consumers actually serves corporations. As US Congressman David Bonier points out, Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) provide “no sanctions and enforcements for labor and environmental infractions, but criminal sanctions against pirated compact disks.”i
Free trade is enforced by other international agencies, such as the World Bank, and by regional trade agreements in addition to the WTO. Free trade is one of the most significant components of globalisation. In the third world, the effects of globalisation are devastating as it empowers corporations to drive local businesses out and to move production operations constantly, leaving economic devastation in its wake. Deregulation, privatization, and investment liberalization hand the economy over to multinational corporations.
As Sivanandan has argued since 1989, globalisation particularly brutalizes people of color. It is racism that allows the toxic, low-wage conditions of the border Maquilladoras and the petro-chemical industries to be both imposed and hidden. Corporations are taking every advantage of this free input. Internationally, lands that are the habitat of people of color are stolen by (or handed over by comprador governments to) multinational corporations. Low skill industrial workers are easily replaced if they exercise their right to refuse dangerous work.ii Corporations’ ability to externalize the costs of workers’ health means that these expendable workers become unemployable after three to four years of work.
Workers of color are subject to a range of subtle forms of corporate exploitation, invisible to the public eye. With capital freed to set up production facilities anywhere in the world (and possessing the technology to manage them), workers have little power to make demands for adequate wages and working conditions. One of the most vivid examples of this crisis is the anencephelic babies (born without brains) in the Maquilladora towns toxified by the electronics assembly plants celebrated for bringing needed jobs to the Mexican economy. Another vivid example is corporate biopiracy of indigenous peoples’ genetic resources and science. Undaunted, modernization theory and the neoliberal economic model insist that unfettered and constantly expanding productive capacity and trade will somehow deliver all other needed social goods, despite fifty years (or two or five centuries, depending on your analysis) of evidence to the contrary.
Scholarship on globalisation provides a description of these historically-specific conditions, corporate global hegemony as a moment in capitalist progression. This book is a study of the corresponding response among current social movements, which are beginning to organize against corporate domination. It makes sense that there should be an anti-corporate movement, but is there one? Anti-corporate discourses are emerging in many places and in a variety of quite different ideological approaches, left and right, first and third world, workers and petit bourgeois, urban and rural, socialist and not…
The existence of such a movement is also confirmed by the use of the phrase ‘anti-corporate’ by corporate personnel who find themselves under attack. One of the earliest such recognitions was the 1972 annual meeting of The Council of the Americas, a group of 200 US-based corporations doing business in Latin America, which addressed the theme of “anticorporatism and how business must ‘explain itself’ better.” [Barnet & Müller 1974: 23] Likewise, an editorial in the International Herald Tribune quoted the head of the World Economic Forum as saying “Corporations should start taking the backlash against globalisation seriously”,iii confirming that corporations know that they are the enemies of movements against globalisation. The public relations firm Mongoven, Biscoe and Duchin warns corporate leaders that activists
want to change the system; they have underlying socio-economic/political motives; [are] anti-corporate — see the multinationals as inherently evil; winning is unimportant on a specific issue; [they] can be extremist/violent…These organizations do not trust the…federal, state and local governments to protect them and to safeguard the environment. They believe, rather, that individuals and local groups should have direct power over industry…their principle aims…social justice and political empowerment.1
Beyond documenting deductively that such a movement exists, this book focuses on two crucial aspects of movements’ discourses: {1} how they understand their enemy and {2} how they envision rebuilding the world. As social movements research, such work is both old and new. It is old in its interest in the movements’ critical ideology, a concern which has been eclipsed by attempts to understand how movements mobilize, under what particular circumstances they manage to do so, and why individuals participate. Analyzing ideology (particularly intentions for the future) can also be understood as a new project, insofar as theorists of new social movements have argued that in the face of postmodernity what we really need are “new cultures” and “new consciousness”. [Melucci 1989] So, rather than trying to “account for collective action” [McAdam, McCarthy, Zald 1996: 5], this book focuses on the movements’ substantive projects (the content of the “frame” [Snow, et. al. 1986]). I therefore do not evaluate the movements’ size, scope, practices, or chances for success.
The three central chapters of this book describe, perhaps relentlessly, a wide variety of movements that are naming corporations as their enemies and working to envision alternative political economies that meet their goals without empowering corporations. Chapters two, three, and four each present a mode of anti-corporate ideology.
The first mode is contestation and reform, which is where the most explicit forms of anti-corporatism appear. Peace and human rights movements have long criticized the behaviors of multinational corporations. They are joined by movements fighting structural adjustment and seeking land reform, cyberpunks, and some movements that describe themselves explicitly as “anti-corporate”. Most projects of this mode attempt to recover the authority of the state to regulate corporations, constrain their abuses, and deliver social benefits.
The second mode, “globalisation from below” [Falk 1993], refers to the development of a people’s internationalist populism. This is “workers of the world” uniting in a widened framework of dispossession that includes multiple sites of oppression. Articulating this approach are environmental movements, socialist movements, labor movements, movements fighting Free Trade Agreements (anti-FTA), and the Zapatistas. Movements of this mode plan to supersede existing governance bodies.
The third mode is “delinking” [Amin 1985]. Also taking the forms of relocalization and sovereignty, it proposes a radical restructuring of globalized political economy as localities voluntarily cut themselves off from the global market and its denizens. This is perhaps the least familiar mode, yet I have found its goals and its anti-corporatism articulated by an astonishing array of movements, including anarchists, movements in defense of small business, sustainable development movements, sovereignty movements, and religious nationalist movements. This mode is less interested in governance, busy instead spawning vivacious alternatives.
While these groupings mirror traditional responses to industrialization, the categories were constructed inductively from analysis of the movements. Several months after the analysis was complete, John Cavanagh gave a speech in which he named three critical responses to globalisation: restrained globalisation, democratized globalisation, and localization — closely matching the three modes.iv Remember that the modes are actually archetypes; no movement nor its members work exclusively in one mode.
In keeping with the goal of collecting all available ideological strategies for dismantling corporate power, the movements studied were not restricted to those arising from the Left. In addition, the descriptions of the movements focus on their construction of anti-corporateness, not on their relationship to established left political expectations. The brief concluding sections of each chapter begin to explore the movements’ implications for Left principles among other things, which are explored more thoroughly in the final chapter of the book.
1 All unattributed quotes are from primary data collection.
i Grossman and Bonier quotes this paragraph from the International Forum on Globalisation, Teach in 3, 1997. Hereafter ‘IFG 1997’.
ii See the Justice for Rodrigo Cruz Campaign, Santa Clara Center for Occupational Safety and Health.
iii in Elisabet Sahtouris, “The Biology of Globalisation”, 1997.
iv at IFG 1997
This book was published by Zed Books n 2005. Zed was subsequently purchased by Bloomsbury.